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Diminutive formation
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Afrikaans nouns, like some other Germanic languages, bear the grammatical feature diminutive While the neutral forms of nouns are morphologically unmarked, the diminutive is expressed by one of the following allomorphs: <-ie> i, <-tjie> ki, <-etjie> iki or <-pie> pi. The specific choice depends largely on the phonological structure of the stem, making it a remarkable example of a morphophonological process in Afrikaans.

For spelling conventions in examples, read The unrounded low front-central vowel /a/.

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The diminutive formation in its written form is relatively uncomplicated, whereas its phonological and phonetic aspects are not, as is evident from the lack of unity amongst different accounts to be found in the available descriptions. (Botha, M.C.; Burger, J.F. 1921)Botha and Burger (1921), (Kempen, W. 1940)Kempen (1940). Here we focus on the most complete descriptions, namely that of (De Villiers, M. 1965), ,Wissing (1971) and (Donaldson, B.C. 1993).

De Villiers (1965) acknowledges four independent diminutive forms, called metamorphemes, viz. /i/ (-ie), /pi/ (-pie), /iki/ (-etjie) and /ki/ (-kie, -tjie, -jie). This is contrary to some descriptions in the case of for example Dutch diminutive formation that see -tje, -je, -pje, -kje, -etje as allomorphs (see Diminutive allomorphy).

De Villiers (1965) proposes the following rules:

  1. /i/: preceeded by stem-final /f s x p k/
  2. /pi/: preceeded by one of the (long) vowels /a e o/, unstressed schwa /ə/ rarely /i/, or the diphthongs /œy əi/, all of those with as stem-final /m/
  3. /iki/: after the short vowels /ɑ ɛ ɔ œ ə/ + /m n l r/, or stressed vowel + /ŋ/
  4. In all other cases the diminutive form is /ki/

These rules can be explicated more precisely as follows, supplemented by some representative examples (orthografic forms enclosed in < >):

  1. Stem-final voiceless obstruent coda, preceeded by all types of vowel as well as diphthongs takesas diminutive morpheme <ie> (/i/), e.g.: /f/: draffie, beffie, skoffie, skyfie; /s/: kassie, bessie, bossie, huisie; /x/: laggie, steggie, toggie, suigie; /p/: lappie, skeppie, skoppie, skapie, lopie, skepie, pypie; /k/: rakkie, rekkie, rokkie, buikie. Cases with /t/ and /d/ as coda are excluded here - see 4. Note the orthographic convention whereby the obstruent is doubled in order to indicate the preceeding vowel to be short, thus draffie < draf, etc.
    1. Stem-final nasal consonant /m/, preceeded by one of the long vowels /a e o y/ or a diphthong (/œy/ or /əi/) takes <pie> (/pi/), e.g.: raampie, liggaampie, sweempie, oompie, kostuumpie, museumpie, pluimpie, rympie
      1. Stem-final schwa /ə/ + /m/, (i.e. <em> and <um> takes <pie>(/pi/) too: asempie, besempie, bliksempie, bodempie, boesempie, helsempie, itempie, Willempie, wasempie, sweempie, oompie, skuimpie, rympie, akwariumpie, albumpie, forumpie, podiumpie, stadiumpie. Note that /-əm/, or <um> (/-œm/)
      2. Words ending on two sonorant consonants (in fact <rm> and <lm>) also has <pie> (/pi/) as diminutive suffix: armpie, halmpie, dermpie, filmpie, stormpie, skelmpie, uniformpie, wurmpie. Note that written <lm> and <rm> are identified phonemically as /lm/ and /rm/, but via insertion of schwa surface as [ləm] respectively [rəm] (see Coda in Afrikaans).
  2. Stem-final stressed short vowels (/ɑ ɛ ɔ œ ə/) + any sonorant consonant (/m n ŋ l r/) has <etjie> (/iki/) as diminutive suffix: kammetjie, lemmetjie, blommetjie, skrummetjie, kannetjie, pennetjie, sonnetjie, vinnetjie, wangetjie, tongetjie, dingetjie; balletjie, belletjie, kolletjie, krulletjie, karretjie, sterretjie, snorretjie, skilletjie, bulletjie. This applies to a small number of polisyllabic nouns of this type too, providing the final syllable is stressed, e.g.: kol['ɔ]mmetjie, ges['ə]nnetjie, jap['ɔ]nnetjie, ser['ə]ngetjie, bakat['ɛ]lletjie, lap['ɛ]lletjie, amar['ə]lletjie, krokod['ə]lletjie, makr['ɔ]lletjie, versk['ə]lletjie, katr['ɔ]lletjie, kastr['ɔ]lletjie.
  3. A number of subcategories is known in the case of the diminutive suffix /ki/, spelled as either <kie>, <tjie> or <jie>:
    1. <kie>: Stem-final unstressed syllable with mainly schwa as vowel + /ŋ/ has <kie> /ki/ as diminutive suffix: eekhorinkie, beddinkie, dorinkie, horinkie, garinkie, kussinkie, seninkie, nedersettinkie, pierinkie, verversinkie, varinkie, vinkie.

      Note that in the spelling form of these words <g> is deleted.

    2. <tjie>:
      1. Stems ending on vowels or diphthongs in open syllables, irrespective of stress placement:
        • Long vowels (stress on final syllable of stems): pa'tjie, karba'tjie, treetjie, buro'tjie, keutjie
        • Short vowels (stress on prefinal syllable of stems): oupa'tjie, papattatjie, mielietjie, koedoetjie, episod[ə]tjie
        • Diphthongs (stress on final syllable of stems): bytjie, jukskeitjie, pasteitjie, valleitjie, truitjie, outjie, juffroutjie, makoutjie
      2. Stems ending on long vowels or diphthongs closed by sonorant consonants /n/, /r/ or /l/:
        • Long vowels: baantjie, aartjie, skaaltjie; boontjie, boortjie, skooltjie, beentjie, veertjie, deeltjie, tribuuntjie, skuurtjie, molekuultjie, seuntjie, deurtjie, peultjie
        • Diphthongs: tuintjie, uiltjie, lyntjie, fonteintjie, byltjie, Paultjie
      3. Stems ending on short vowels closed by one of /n/, /r/ or /l/ + /t/ or /d/:
        • baantjie, aartjie, skaaltjie, boontjie, boortjie, skooltjie, beentjie, veertjie, deeltjie, tribuuntjie, skuurtjie, molekuultjie, seuntjie, deurtjie, peultjie
    3. The suffix -kie is presented as either <jie> or <tjie>, depending on the form of the preceeding stem. In the case of <jie>, it can end a) on /t/ as coda, b) on one of the alveolar sonorant consonant codas /n l r/, or when <tjie>, or c) on one of a number of coda clusters, comprising an alveolar sonorant consonant + a voiced or voiceless alveolar plosive, /d/ and /t/ (reflected in the spelling by <d> and <t>). In such case, the possible combinations are <nd>, <nt>, <ld>, <lt>/ or <rd>, <rt>. While diminutive formation acts on phonetic rather than phonological outputs, in fact these clusters are restricted to the sonorants [n l r]+ /t/, i.e. [nt lt rt]. Note that the quality of the nuclues vowel of the end-rhyme also plays a role (to be shown in more detail below).

      For ease of comparison, an example of each, if existing words are available, are presented with this description as guideline.

      1. [t] as coda:
        • Short vowels + [t]: lied, riet, hoed, voet, minuut, bed, pet, bad, kat; lid, lit; put, god, pot
        • Long vowels + [t]: daad, maat, brood, skoot, kleed, beet, geut
        • Diphthongs + [t]: tyd, byt, beleid, universiteit, geluid, skuit, boud, bout
Taking into consideration that voiced obstruents get unvoiced through the process of Final devoicing words with phonetic [t] as coda resulting from phonemic /d/ react the same as the above ones. Some examples:
  1. <-ie> /i/ : after stem-final obstruents (e.g. tak ~ takkie/tɑki/[tɑki / tɑci]branch-DIM)
  2. <-etjie> /iki/ : after short vowels + sonorant consonant as coda (e.g. kan ~ kannetjie/kɑniki / kɑnici/can-DIM)
  3. <-pie> /pi/ : after long vowels + stem-final /m/ (e.g. raam ~ raampie/rampi/frame-DIM)
  4. <-kie>; <-tjie>; <-jie> /ki/: e.g. (plank ~ plankie/plɑŋki/[plɑŋki / plɑŋci]shelf-DIM, tree ~ treetjie/treki/[triəki / triəci]step-DIM, akteur ~ akteurtjie/ɑktørki/[ɑktørki / ɑktørci]actor-DIM, prent ~ prentjie/prɛnki/[prɛnki / prɛnci / prɛinci]
  5. stem-final diphthongs by ~ bytjie/bəiki/[bəiki / bəici]bee-DIM

De Villiers (1965) mentions kiempie as solitary case with /i/ as vowel, and then adds kiemetjie as alternative form. Words like akroniemacronym and sinoniemsynonym usually are not used in the diminutive form. Such words will have <pie> should they be used as such..

[+] Influence of diminutive suffixes on stems

Except for the presence of regressive palatalization within some of the diminutive suffixes that has been highlighted thus far, several other cases has been documented. In this section the most salient of these are dealt with.

Consider the possible pronunciations of the following sets of words:

Figure 1

[click image to enlarge]
  1. Other than De Villiers (1965), who accepts /ki/ as basic diminutive form (see 4 above), we postulate the more concrete /ji/ instead.
  2. The coda /d/ of the base singular forms bad and tand are devoiced to [t] via the process of final devoicing of obstruents
  3. These four of words all have aknowledged alternative diminutive forms, presented in Phonetic_1 - Phonetic_4. [c] in [ci] of Phonetic_1 is sometimes deemed as allophonic [c] – i.e. as a palatalised product under the influence of the following high [i]. Le Roux & Pienaar (1927; 1976), Wissing (1971) and Donaldson (1993) prefer [c], while De Villiers and Ponelis (1987) use [k]

Since the five allomorphs resemble each other quite closely, the question arises whether there is only one underlying form from which the others are derived or whether there are indeed five separate allomorphs stored in the lexicon. Accounts assuming only one underlying form usually propose  -tje  as the underlying one and claim that the other forms are the result of phonological processes, for example place assimilation (leading to  -pje, -kje ) or schwa epenthesis (leading to  -etje ), that apply if the stem has a particular form. In this context, the morphological structure (e.g. compound) of the stem, its stress pattern and the quality of the vowel and the coda consonants of the final syllable play a role.

References:
  • Botha, M.C. & Burger, J.F1921Maskew Miller's grammar of Afrikaans.
  • De Villiers, M1965Afrikaanse klankleer: fonetiek, fonologie en woordbou.Balkema
  • Donaldson, B.C1993A grammar of Afrikaans.ReeksMouton de Gruyter
  • Kempen, W1940Die verkleinwoord in Afrikaans.Nasionale Pers
  • Wissing, D.P1971Fonologie en morfologie van die simplekse selfstandige naamwoord in Afrikaans: 'n transformasioneel-generatiewe beskrywing.Buijten & Schipperheijn. Vrije Universiteit.Thesis
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